J<  >UX  BACH  McMASTER 


HE  ORIGIN,  MEANING.* 
AND  APPLICATION  OF 
THE  MONROE  *  *  *  * 
DOCTRINE*  *  *  *  *  *  * 


BY  JOHN  BACH  MCMASTER 

University  of  Pennsylvania*  *  *  *  * 


Philadelphia*  *  *  *  * 

HENRY  ALTEMUS 


It 


Copyrighted  by  Henry  Altemus,  of  Philadelphia,  in  the  State  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, on  May  iq,  iSqb,  in  the  One  Hundred  and  Twentieth  i\.i>  J 
the  Independence  of  the  United  States  of  America. 


Henry  Altbmus,  Manufacturer, 
philadelphia. 


THE 
ORIGIN,   MEANING  AND   APPLICATION 

OF  THE 

MONROE    DOCTRINE. 


In  the  course  of  the  discussion  of  the  Mon- 
roe Doctrine  provoked  by  the  recent  letter  of 
Lord  Salisbury  and  the  message  of  President 
Cleveland,  there  have  been  developed  three 
views  now  very  current  among  our  country- 
men. Some  agree  with  the  statements  of  the 
noble  lord  in  his  letter,  and,  without  giving 
much  thought  to  the  matter,  declare  that  the 
doctrine  perished  with  the  occasion  that  called 
it  forth.  Some  admit  that  it  still  exists,  but 
incline  to  the  belief  that  it  should  not  apply  to 
a  territorial  project  that  does  not  involve  colo- 
nization or  the  erection  of  a  monarchy  where 
a  republic  once  stood.  Others  have  no  hesi- 
tation in  declaring  that  what  goes  on  in  Ven- 
ezuela is  of  no  consequence  to  us,  and  that 
fhe  matter  at  stake  is  not  of  enough  impor- 
tance to  make  it  worth  while  to  risk  a  war. 


31202 — 5 


THE  ORIGIN,  MEANING  AND  APPLICA  T/ON  OF 

As  the  crisis  is  certainly  a  serious  one,  an 
examination  of  these  views  is  not  untimely. 
The  hour  has  come  for  the  people  of  the 
United  States  to  decide  once  for  all  whether 
there  is  or  is  not  a  Monroe  Doctrine.  If  there 
is,  it  should  be  stated  as  clearly  and  precisely 
as  possible.  If  there  is  not,  then  it  becomes 
us  to  say  so  frankly  and  at  once. 

The  doctrine  was  originally  announced  by 
James  Monroe  in  a  message  to  Congress  on 
December  second,  1823,  and  was  made  neces- 
sary by  certain  things  done  by  Russia  and  the 
Holy  Allies.  Russia  still  exists.  But  who 
the  Holy  Allies  were,  and  what  they  did  that 
so  alarmed  Monroe,  requires  a  little  explan- 
ation. 

THE    HOLY    ALLIANCE. 

As  all  the  world  knows,  the  overthrow 
of  the  French  at  Waterloo  was  followed  by  a 
second  abdication  of  Napoleon,  by  a  second 
restoration  of  Louis  XVIII.  to  the  throne 
of  France,  and  by  a  gathering  of  the  allied 
Kings  or  their  representatives  at  Paris.  On 
one  of  the  sovereigns  there  assembled  these 
events  seem  to  have  made  a  deep  impression. 


THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE. 

To  Alexander  of  Russia  the  second  fall  of 
the  man  of  destiny  was  but  another  illus- 
tration of  the  way  in  which  God,  in  his  own 
good  time,  confounds  the  councils  of  the 
wicked  and  lifts  up  those  who  put  their  trust 
in  Him,  and,  grateful  for  this  signal  lesson, 
Alexander  determined  henceforth  to  rule, 
and,  if  possible,  induce  his  fellow-monarchs 
to  rule,  in  accordance  with  the  principles  of 
the  Christian  religion. 

To  accomplish  this  end  the  more  easily 
he  persuaded  Frederick  William  of  Prussia 
and  Francis  of  Austria  to  join  with  him  in 
a  league  which  he  called  "The  Holy  Alli- 
ance," and  to  sign  a  treaty  which  is  com- 
monly supposed  to  have  bound  the  Holy 
Allies  to  pull  down  constitutional  government 
and  stamp  out  liberal  ideas.  It  was,  in 
truth,  a  meaningless  pledge,  framed  in  a 
moment  of  religious  excitement,  and  well 
described  in  its  own  words,  which  assert 
"that  the  present  act  has  no  other  aim  than 
to  manifest  to  the  world  their  unchangeable 
determination  to  adopt  no  other  rule  of 
conduct  either  in  the  government  of  their 
respective  countries  or  in  their  political  re- 
9 


THE  ORIGIN,  MEANING  AND  APPLICATION  OF 

lations  with  other  governments  than  the 
precepts  of  that  holy  religion,  the  precepts 
of  justice,  charity  and  peace." 

That  this  little  society  of  Christian  mon- 
archs  should  have  any  interest  for  us  of  to- 
day is  due  solely  to  the  fact  that  their  treaty 
contains  the  words  "Holy  Alliance,"  and 
that  to  it  have  wrongfully  been  attributed 
results  which  sprang  from  the  quadruple  treaty 
signed  two  months  later  by  Russia,  Prussia, 
Austria  and  Great  Britain ;  a  new  alliance 
which  bound  the  four  powers  to  do  four  things 
— exclude  Napoleon  forever  from  power ; 
maintain  the  Government  they  had  just  set  up 
in  France  ;  resist  with  all  their  might  any 
attack  on  the  army  of  occupation,  and  meet  in 
1 8 1 8  to  consult  concerning  their  common 
interests,  and  to  take  such  measures  as  should 
then  seem  to  be  best  fitted  to  serve  the  peace 
and  happiness  of  Europe.  Each  pledge  was 
faithfully  kept,  and  in  the  Autumn  of  1 8 1 8  the 
four  powers  met  at  Aix-la-Chapelle,  and  re- 
viewed the  events  of  the  past  three  years. 
Monarchy  was  so  firmly  established  in  France 
that  the  army  of  occupation  was  withdrawn 
and  Louis  XVIII.  was  suffered  to  have  a  voice 


THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE. 

in  the  affairs  of  Europe.  But  in  Spain  matters 
had  gone  from  bad  to  worse.  For  ten  years 
past  her  South  American  colonies  had  been  in 
rebellion,  first  against  Joseph  Bonaparte,  then 
against  the  Cortes  of  Cadiz,  and  since  the 
restoration  of  1814  against  the  King.  That 
Ferdinand,  single-handed,  could  never  reduce 
them  to  subjection  was  apparent. 

Every  resource  of  the  restored  king  was 
used  and  used  in  vain,  for  the  struggle  went 
on  till,  the  last  regiment  having  been  sent  to 
perish  of  yellow  fever,  and  the  last  dollar  hav- 
ing been  drawn  from  the  treasury,  Ferdinand 
turned  to  the  sovereigns  of  Europe  for  aid. 
They  had  restored  to  him  his  throne.  It  is 
not  surprising,  therefore,  that  he  should  ask 
them  to  restore  his  colonies  ;  but  it  is  amus- 
ing to  note  the  impudence  with  which  he  inti- 
mated that  the  work  of  subjugation  should  be 
done  by  Great  Britain.  She  might  have  acted 
as  mediator.  More  she  would  not  do,  and  as 
subjugation,  not  mediation,  was  wanted,  Alex- 
ander came  to  the  relief  of  Ferdinand  and 
sold  him  a  fleet  of  war.  When  it  reached 
Cadiz  it  was  found  that  this  Emperor,  who  in 
18 1 5  was  so  eager  to  see  all  Europe  ruled  in 
11 


THE  ORIGIN,  MEANING  AND  APPLICATION Oi 

accordance  with  the  teachings  of  Christ,  had 

sold  his  friend  ships  so  rotten  and  imsca- 
worthy  that  not  one  of  them  was  fit  to  cross 
the  Atlantic. 

The  expedition  was  put  off,  and  the  condi- 
tion of  Spanish  America  was  laid  before  the 
sovereigns  when  they  met  at  Aix-la-Chapclle. 
The  dangers  which  threatened  Europe  if  a 
federation  of  republics  was  allowed  to  grow 
up  in  America  were  discussed  ;  a  proposition 
was  made  that  a  conference  between  Spain 
and  the  powers  should  be  held  at  Madrid, 
and  that  Wellington  should  preside  ;  but  Spain 
wanted  troops,  not  advice,  and  was  left  to 
subdue  her  colonies  in  her  own  way. 

Her  way  was  to  gather  a  rable  at  Cadiz  in 
the  summer  of  1819,  call  it  an  army,  and 
send  it  off  to  America.  Before  it  could  sail, 
yellow  fever  broke  out,  the  troops  went  into 
camp,  and  while  there,  were  won  over  to  the 
cause  of  constitutional  government  by  the 
agents  of  a  great  conspiracy,  which  had  long 
been  growing  under  the  tyranny  of  the  King. 
On  January  first,  1S20,  the  day  fixed  for  the 
outbreak,  the  troops,  led  by  Colonels  Quiro- 
ga  and  Riego,  rose  and  declared  for  the  Con- 


THE  MONROE  DOCTRIXE. 

stitution  of  1812.  The  rebellion  of  the  sol- 
diers was  a  small  affair  in  itself,  but  it  set  an 
example  ;  it  stirred  up  others,  and  on  Febru- 
ary twentieth  the  garrison  and  people  of  Cor- 
unna  in  their  turn  proclaimed  the  Constitution. 

And  now  rebellion  spread  fast.  Town  after 
town  followed  Corunna.  The  whole  country 
was  up,  and  Ferdinand  in  great  alarm  an- 
nounced his  willingness  to  assemble  the 
Cortes.  His  people  had  long  since  learned 
that  his  word  was  of  no  value,  and,  filling  the 
great  squares  of  Madrid,  they  clamored  all 
day  long  for  the  Constitution.  At  length  he 
gave  way,  and  announced  his  willingness  to 
take  the  oath  to  support  the  Constitution. 
The  next  day — the  famous  eighth  of  March, 
1820 — was  one  of  wild  rejoicing.  The  prison 
of  the  Inquisition  was  sacked  ;  the  instru- 
ments of  torture  were  broken  in  pieces  ;  polit- 
ical prisoners  were  set  free,  and  the  Constitu- 
tion carried  in  procession  through  the  streets. 
March  ninth  a  mob  entered  the  palace,  forced 
the  King  to  make  good  his  promise,  and  consti- 
tutional government  once  more  existed  in  Spain. 

As  tidings  of  this  outbreak  spread  over 
Europe  the  friends  of  Liberalism  took  heart, 
13 


THE  ORIGIN,  MEANING  AND  APPLICA  TION  Of 

and  in  July,  1820,  the  people  of  Naples 
forced  their  King,  Ferdinand,  to  proclaim 
the  Spanish  Constitution  and  swear  to  up- 
hold it.  The  men  of  Portugal  were  next  to 
awake,  and  in  September,  1820,  they  de- 
posed the  Regency  which  ruled  in  the  name 
of  the  absent  King,  set  up  a  Junta,  and 
elected  a  Cortes  to  frame  a  Constitution. 
For  a  moment  it  seemed  not  unlikely  that 
France  might  be  the  next  nation  to  throw  off 
the  yoke  of  absolutism.  But  Louis  cried  out 
for  another  meeting  of  the  powers,  and  in 
October,  1820,  the  Emperor  of  Austria  met 
the  Czar  and  the  King  of  Prussia  in  the  little 
town  of  Troppau,  in  Moravia.  England  sent 
an  Ambassador,  but  he  was  instructed  to  look 
on  and  do  nothing.  France  sent  two  envoys, 
but  they  took  opposite  sides,  and  her  influence 
counted  for  nothing.  The  three  founders  of 
the  Holy  Alliance  were  thus  free  to  do  as  they 
pleased,  and  very  quickly  decided  what  course 
to  take.  Ferdinand  was  to  be  invited  to  meet 
them  at  Laybach  ;  a  summons  was  to  be 
sent,  through  him,  to  the  Neapolitans  to  aban- 
don their  Constitution  or  fight ;  and  a  circular 
explaining  and  defending  this  new  doctrine  of 
14 


THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE. 

armed  intervention  was  to  be  issued,  in  the 
name  of  the  three  powers,  to  all  the  Courts 
of  Europe. 

The  circular  went  forth  on  December  eighth, 
1820,  to  every  foreign  court.  The  events  of 
March  eighth  in  Spain,  and  those  of  July 
second  in  Naples,  had  produced,  the  circular 
said,  a  deep  feeling  of  inquietude  and  alarm, 
and  a  desire  to  unite  and  save  Europe  from 
the  evils  ready  to  burst  upon  her.  That  this 
desire  should  be  most  keen  with  governments 
which  not  long  ago  had  conquered  the  revo- 
lution, and  now  see  it  once  more  appearing 
triumphant,  is  natural.  The  other  powers 
have  therefore  availed  themselves  of  an  in- 
contestable right,  and  have  decided  to  take 
common  measures  of  precaution  and  restrain 
such  States  as,  having  revolted  against  legiti- 
mate governments  and  institutions,  are  seek- 
ing by  their  agents  to  introduce  like  disorders 
and  insurrections  into  other  States.  As  the 
revolution  at  Naples  strikes  deeper  root  every 
day,  and  sensibly  menaces  the  tranquility  of 
the  neighboring  powers,  it  is  necessary  to 
immediately  apply  to  her  the  principles 
agreed  on. 

15 


THE  ORIGIN,  MEANING  AND  APPLICATION  OF 

Before  resorting  to  force,  however,  it  was 
thought  best  to  make  one  effort  of  a  peaceful 
character,  and  summon  the  King  of  Naples 
to  meet  the  allied  powers  at  Laybach. 

Thither,  in  January,  [821,  with  the  consent 
of  the  Neapolitan  Parliament,  the  old  King, 
leaving  his  son  to  act  as  Regent,  accordingly 
went,  only  to  be  told  that  if  the  order  of  things 
existing  since  July,  1820,  were  not  at  once 
abolished  an  Austrian  army  would  occupy 
Neapolitan  soil.  The  same  demand  was  made 
known  to  the  Prince  Regent  at  Naples,  who 
stoutly  refused  to  consider  it,  and  summoned 
the  Parliament,  which  declared  that  it  consid- 
ered the  old  King  as  under  restraint  at  Lay- 
bach  ;  bade  the  Grand  Duke  of  Calabria  con- 
tinue to  exercise  the  Regency,  and  ordered 
measures  to  be  taken  for  the  safety  of  the 
State.  A  rush  to  arms  followed.  The  Prince 
put  himself  at  the  head  of  most  of  the  troops. 
The  King  appealed  to  the  others,  but  they 
answered  that  they  would  not  serve  against 
their  fellows,  and  cried  out  for  the  Constitu- 
tion. Ferdinand,  now  reduced  to  impotence, 
abdicated,  and  went  back  to  Sicily  ;  and  one 
hundred  thousand  Austrians  entered  Italy  and 
16 


THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE. 

crushed  the  republican  uprisings  in  Naples*, 
in  Piedmont,  in  all  Italy,  and  Ferdinand,  in 
spite  of  his  abdication,  was  restored  to  the 
throne  of  Naples. 

A  new  declaration  and  a  new  circular  was 
now  published  by  the  Holy  Allies,  about  to 
end  their  conference  at  Laybach,  and  in  this 
circular  was  announced  a  principle  which  was 
to  guide  them  in  their  future  dealings  with 
nations  struggling  for  liberty.  Having,  in  the 
language  of  the  time  "  taken  the  people  of 
Europe  into  their  Holy  keeping,"  the  three 
autocrats  declared  that  henceforth  all  "  useful 
or  necessary  changes  in  the  legislation  and 
administration  of  States  must  emanate  alone 
from  the  free  will,  the  reflecting  and  enlight- 
ened impulse  of  those  whom  God  has  rendered 
responsible  for  power  !  " 

Thus  committed  to  the  extermination  of 
popular  government,  the  members  of  the  Holy 
Alliance  next  turned  their  attention  to  Spain. 
When  the  Congress  at  Laybach  adjourned  in 
1 82 1,  it  did  so  with  the  understanding  that  it 
should  meet  again  in  1822  and  take  up  the 
affairs  of  Spain,  which,  both  in  the  Old  World 
and  the  New,  were  now  far  beyond  her  control. 
17 


THE  ORIGIN,  MEANING  AND  APPLICATION  OP 

The  place  of  meeting  was  Vicuna,  but  the  con- 
gress soon  adjourned  to  Verona,  where,  in  Oc- 
tober, 1822,  the  question  of  "restoring  order," 
which,  being  interpreted,  meant  "  re-establish- 
ing absolute  monarchy"  in  Spain,  was  long  de- 
bated. At  length  it  was  decided  that  no  joint 
action  should  be  taken,  but  that  certain 
changes  in  the  Spanish  Constitution  should  be 
demanded,  and,  if  not  granted,  a  French  army 
shoDld  enter  Spain.  The  demands  were  made 
and  refused.  The  Ambassadors  of  the  Holy 
Allies  then  left  Madrid,  and  on  April  7,  1823, 
a  French  army  crossed  the  frontier  and  occu- 
pied Madrid  in  May  and  Cadiz  in  August. 

That  moment  Canning,  wrho,  in  1823,  held 
the  place  now  filled  by  Lord  Salisbury,  began 
to  act.  He  knew,  as  everybody  knew,  that 
when  the  allies  had  once  settled  the  affairs  of 
Spain  they  would  go  on  and  settle  the  affairs 
of  her  former  colonies,  now  recognized  as 
republics  by  the  United  States.  Turning  to 
Richard  Rush,  who  represented  our  country 
at  London,  he  proposed  that  the  United  States 
should  join  with  England  in  a  declaration  that, 
while  neither  power  desired  the  colonies  of 
Spain  for  herself,  it  was  impossible  to  look 
18 


THE  MONROE  DOCTRIXE. 

with  indifference  on  European  intervention  in 
their  affairs  or  to  see  them  acquired  by  a  third 
power.  Hardly  had  the  request  been  made, 
when  Canning  received  a  formal  notice  that 
later  in  the  year  a  congress  would  be  called  to 
consider  the  affairs  of  Spanish  America,  and 
again  pressed  Rush  for  an  answer.  Rush  had 
no  instructions,  but  with  a  courage  that  did 
him  honor,  he  replied  that  "we  should  regard 
as  highly  unjust  and  as  fruitful  of  disastrous 
consequences  any  attempt  on  the  part  of  any 
European  power  to  take  possession  of  them 
by  conquest,  by  cession,  or  on  any  other 
ground  or  pretext  whatsoever,"  and  promised 
to  join  in  the  declaration  if  England  would 
first  acknowledge  the  independence  of  the 
iittle  republics.  This  she  would  not  do,  and 
the  joint  declaration  was  never  made. 

NOT    A    TEMPORARY    POLICY. 

One  of  the  arguments  which  Canning  used 
is  given  in  Rush's  letter  to  Secretary  Adams, 
and  shows  that  he  at  least  had  no  temporary 
policy  in  mind.  "They,"  [the  United  States,  j 
he  said,  "  were  the  first  power  established  on 
that  continent,  and  now  confessedly  the  lead- 
19 


THE  ORIGIN,  ME.  \NING  ,  \ND  .  \tri.K  ,1  TION  OF 

ing  power.  They  were  connected  uith  South 
America  by  their  position  and  with  Europe  by 
their  relations.  Was  it  possible  they  could 
see  with  indifference  their  fate  decided  upon 
by  Europe?  Had  not  a  new  epoch  arrived 
in  the  relative  position  of  the  United  States 
toward  Europe  which  Europe  must  acknowl- 
edge ?  Were  the  great  political  and  commer- 
cial interests  which  hung  upon  the  destiny  of 
the  new  continent  to  be  canvassed  and  ad- 
justed on  this  hemisphere  without  the  co- 
operation or  even  knowledge  of  the  United 
States  ?" 

MONROE   SEEKS    ADVICE. 

When  Monroe  received  the  letters  of  Rush 
he  seems  to  have  been  greatly  puzzled  how  to 
act.  The  suggestion  of  England  that  the  time 
had  come  to  make  a  declaration  of  some  sort 
admitted  of  no  dispute.  But  how  was  it  to  be 
made  ?  If  he  joined  with  Great  Britain  would 
he  not  be  forming  one  of  the  "  political  con- 
nections "  Washington  had  denounced  in  his 
"  Farewell  Address  ;"  one  of  the  "  entangling 
alliances"  which  Jefferson  had  given  warning 
in  his  first  inaugural  speech  ?  Should  he  make 
it  alone,  would  he  not  be  violating  that  policy 


THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE. 

of  non-interference  in  the  affairs  of  the  colonies 
which  he  had  himself  advised  in  six  messages 
and  two  inaugural  speeches  ?  Uncertain  what 
to  do,  he  turned  to  Jefferson  for  advice,  and 
sent  the  letters  of  Rush  to  Monticello,  and 
late  in  October  received  a  reply. 

"  The  question  presented  by  the  letters  you 
have  sent  me  is  the  most  momentous  which 
has  ever  been  offered  to  my  contemplation 
since  that  of  Independence.  That  made  us  a 
nation  ;  this  sets  our  compass  and  points  the 
course  which  we  are  to  steer  through  the 
ocean  of  time  opening  on  us.  And  never 
could  we  embark  upon  it  under  circumstances 
more  auspicious.  Our  first  and  fundamental 
maxim  should  be,  never  to  entangle  ourselves 
in  the  broils  of  Europe  ;  our  second,  never  to 
suffer  Europe  to  intermeddle  with  cisatlantic 
affairs.  America,  North  and  South,  has  a  set 
of  interests  distinct  from  those  of  Europe,  and 
peculiarly  her  own.  She  should,  therefore, 
have  a  system  of  her  own,  separate  and  apart 
from  that  of  Europe.  While  the  last  is  labor- 
ing to  become  the  domicile  of  despotism, 
our  endeavor  should  surely  be  to  make  our 
hemisphere  that  of  freedom." 


THE  Okie, IN,  ME.  WING  AND  APf'IJCA  T/OX  OF 
THE   DOCTRINE   ANNOUNCED. 

Thus  encouraged,  not  simply  to  meet  an 
emergency,  but  to  "point  the  course  which  we 
are  to  steer  through  the  ocean  of  time  opening 
on  us,"  Monroe  consulted  his  Secretaries,  and, 
with  their  approval,  announced  the  new  policy 
of  our  country  and  applied  it  in  these  words  : 

"The  political  system  of  the  allied  powers 
is  essentially  different  in  this  respect  from  that 
of  America.  This  difference  proceeds  from 
that  which  exists  in  their  respective  Govern- 
ments. And  to  the  defense  of  our  own,  which 
has  been  achieved  by  the  loss  of  so  much 
blood  and  treasure,  and  matured  by  the  wis- 
dom of  their  most  enlightened  citizens,  and 
under  which  we  have  enjoyed  unexampled 
felicity,  this  whole  Nation  is  devoted.  We 
owe  it,  therefore,  to  candor  and  to  the  amica- 
ble relations  existing  between  the  United 
States  and  those  powers  to  declare  that  we 
should  consider  any  attempt  on  their  part  to 
extend  their  system  to  any  portion  of  this 
hemisphere  as  dangerous  to  our  peace  and 
safety.  With  the  existing  colonies  or  depend- 
encies of  any  European  power  we  have  not 
interfered,  and  shall  not  interfere.      But  with 


THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE. 

the  Governments  who  have  declared  their 
independence  and  maintained  it,  and  whose 
independence  we  have,  on  great  consideration 
and  on  just  principles,  acknowledged,  we  could 
not  view  any  interposition  for  the  purpose  of 
oppressing  them,  or  controlling  in  any  other 
manner  their  destiny,  by  any  European  power, 
in  any  other  light  than  as  the  manifestation  of 
an  unfriendly  disposition  toward  the  United 
States. 

"  Our  policy  in  regard  to  Europe,  which 
was  adopted  at  an  early  stage  of  the  wars 
which  have  so  long  agitated  that  quarter  of 
the  globe,  nevertheless  remains  the  same, 
which  is  not  to  interfere  in  the  internal  con- 
cerns of  any  of  its  powers  ;  to  consider  the 
Government  de  facto  as  the  legitimate  Gov- 
ernment for  us ;  to  cultivate  friendly  rela- 
tions with  it,  and  to  preserve  those  relations 
by  a  frank,  firm,  and  manly  policy ;  meeting 
in  all  instances  the  just  claims  of  every  power, 
submitting  to  injuries  from  none.  But  in 
regard  to  these  continents,  circumstances  are 
eminently  and  conspicuously  different.  It  is 
impossible  that  the  allied  powers  should  ex- 
tend their  political  system  to  any  portion  of 
23 


/'///•;  Oh'/G/X  MEANING  AND  APPLICATION  OP 

cither  continent  without  endangering  our 
peace  and  happiness  ;  nor  can  anyone  believe 
that  our  southern  brethren,  if  left  to  them- 
selves, would  adopt  it  of  their  own  aeon!. 
It  is  equally  impossible,  therefore,  that  we 
should  behold  such  interposition,  in  any  form, 
with  indifference." 

The  doctrine  was  for  all  time,  and,  put  in 
plain  language,  was  this  : 

i.  The  United  States  will  "  not  interfere  in 
the  internal  concerns "  of  any  European 
power. 

2.  "  But  in  regard  to  these  continents 
[North  and  South  America]  circumstances 
are  eminently  and  conspicuously  different," 
and  if  any  European  power  attempts  at  any 
future  time  to  extend  its  political  system  to 
any  part  of  this  hemisphere  "  for  the  purpose 
of  oppressing  "  the  nations  or  "  controlling 

IN  ANY    OTHER    MANNER    THEIR    DESTINY"    the 

United  States  will  interfere. 

Of  this  doctrine  an  immediate  application 
was  made  to  the  Holy  Allies.  It  might  have 
been  conveyed  to  each  of  them  under  cover 
of  an  official  note.  But  Monroe  preferred  to 
announce  it  before  the  world,  and  in  his  mes- 
24 


THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE. 

sage  warned  them  that  any  attempt  on  their 
part  to  violate  the  doctrine  would  be  "danger- 
ous to  our  peace  and  safety  "  and  a  "  mani- 
festation of  an  unfriendly  disposition  toward 
the  United  States." 

At  home  the  declaration  was  read  with 
pride  and  satisfaction,  and  an  attempt  was  at 
once  made  by  Clay  to  have  so  much  of  it  as 
related  to  the  intervention  of  the  Holy  Alli- 
ance in  the  affairs  of  South  America  embodied 
in  a  joint  resolution  of  the  House  and  Senate. 
The  influence  of  Clay  was  great.  He  was 
Speaker  of  the  House  ;  he  was  a  candidate 
for  the  presidency.  But  factional  spirit  ran 
high.  The  friends  of  Adams,  of  Jackson,  of 
Crawford,  of  Calhoun  had  no  notion  of  allow- 
ing him  to  pose  as  the  champion  of  popular 
liberty,  and  the  resolution  had  so  little  sup- 
port that  Clay,  yielding  to  political  necessity, 
told  the  House  he  would  let  his  resolution  lie 
on  the  table.  By  this  we  are  told  he  aban- 
doned the  doctrine  in  its  infancy.  We  think 
not,  and  against  the  act  of  Clay  when  Speaker 
of  the  House  in  1824,  would  put  this  act  of 
Clay  when  Secretary  of  State  in  1825. 

During  the  summer  of  that  year  common 
25 


THE  ORIGIN,  MEANING  AND  APPLICATION  OF 

rumor  and  the  appearance  of  a  gn at  French 

fleet  on  our  coast  gave  the  republics  of  South 
America  good  reason  to  believe  that  Prance 
was  about  to  invade  Cuba  and  Porto  Rico, 
with  the  intention  of  securing  one  or  both  of 
the  islands  for  herself.  Such  an  event  was  so 
much  to  be  dreaded  that  Mexico  called  on 
the  United  States  "  to  fulfil  "  in  the  words  of 
Mr.  Clay,  "  the  memorable  pledge  of  the 
President  of  the  United  States  in  his  message 
to  Congress  of  December,  1823."  Clay,  with 
as  little  delay  as  possible,  acceded  to  the  re- 
quest, applied  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  instructed 
our  Minister  at  Paris  to  notify  France  "  that 
we  would  not  consent  to  the  occupation  of 
those  islands  by  any  other  European  power 
than  Spain,  under  any  circumstances  what- 
ever," and  bade  Mr.  Poinsett  call  on  Mexico 
to  assert  the  Monroe  Doctrine  "  on  all  proper 
occasions."  * 

But  in  England,  according  to  our  Minister 
then  resident  in  London,  the  new  doctrine 
was  heard  with  extravagant  delight.  The 
English  people,  English  statesmen,  and  the 
English  press  were  loud  in  their  praises  of  the 
firm  stand  taken  by  the  United  States.  "  The 
26 


THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE. 

question,"  said  Mr.  Brougham,  "  with  regard 
to  South  America  is  now  disposed  of,  or  nearly 
so,  for  an  event  has  recently  happened  than 
which  no  event  has  dispensed  greater  joy,  ex- 
ultation, and  gratitude  over  all  the  freemen  of 
Europe  ;  that  event,  which  is  decisive  of  the 
subject  in  respect  to  South  America,  is  the 
message  of  the  President  of  the  United  States 
to  Congress." 

The  London  Courier,  the  London  Times, 
the  Morning  Chronicle,  Bell's  Weekly  Mes- 
senger, the  Liverpool  Advertiser,  were  loud  in 
the  praise  of  the  new  doctrine,  and  when  the 
French  administration  journal  L'Etoile  de- 
nounced the  message  and  called  Monroe  a 
dictator,  it  was  the  London  Times  which  hast- 
ened to  defend  him.f  The  South  American 
Deputies  in  London  were  wild  with  joy,  and 
South  American  securities  of  every  sort  rose 
in  value. 

THE    DOCTRINE    APPLIED    TO    THE    AMERICAN 
REPUBLICS. 

Having  thus  announced  that  we  would  not 
meddle    in    European   affairs    nor   suffer  the 
nations  of  the  Old  World  to  interfere  with  the 
27 


THE  ORIGIN,  MEANING  AND  .  XPPLIi  ,  I  //".V  O/? 

domestic  concerns  of  the  nations  of  the  New, 
it  soon  became   necessary  to  define  our  own 

attitude  toward  the  young  republics  of  South 
America.  Indeed,  two  years  had  not  elapsi  1 
when  the  United  States  was  formally  invited 
by  Colombia  and  Mexico  to  be  represented  in 
a  congress  of  republics  at  Panama,  at  which 
it  was  officially  stated  the  delegates  would  be 
expected  "to  take  into  consideration  the 
means  of  making  effectual  the  declaration  of 
the  President  of  the  United  States  respecting 
any  ulterior  design  of  a  foreign  power  to  colo- 
nize any  portion  of  this  continent,  and  also 
the  means  of  resisting  all  interference  from 
abroad  with  the  domestic  concerns  of  the 
American  Governments." 

To  cite  the  debate  which  in  the  Senate  and 
the  House  followed  the  request  of  the  Presi- 
dent that  Commissioners  be  sent  to  Panama 
is  idle.  Adams,  as  President,  and  Clay,  as 
Secretary  of  State,  approved,  and  that  was 
reason  enough  why  Hayne,  of  South  Carolina, 
and  Woodbury,  of  New  Hampshire,  White, 
of  Tennessee,  Van  Buren,  Buchanan,  Polk, 
Berrien,  and  Rives  should  oppose  it.  The 
discussion  was  partizan  throughout.  But  the 
28 


THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE. 

resolution  which  the  House  spread  in  its 
Journal  is  worth  citing  : 

"  It  is  therefore  the  opinion  of  this  House 
that  the  Government  of  the  United  States 
ought  not  to  be  represented  at  the  Congress 
of  Panama  except  in  a  diplomatic  character, 
nor  ought  they  to  form  any  alliance,  offensive 
or  defensive,  or  negotiate  respecting  such  an 
alliance,  with  all  or  any  of  the  South  American 
republics ;  nor  ought  they  to  become  parties 
with  them,  or  either  of  them,  to  any  joint  dec- 
laration for  the  purpose  of  preventing  the  inter- 
ference of  any  of  the  European  powers  with 
their  independence  or  form  of  government,  or 
to  any  compact  for  the  purpose  of  preventing 
colonization  upon  the  continents  of  America, 
but  that  the  people  of  the  United  States  should 
be  left  free  to  act,  in  any  crisis,  in  such  a 
manner  as  their  feelings  of  friendship  toward 
these  republics  and  as  their  own  honor  and 
policy  may  at  the  time  dictate." 

Thus  was  affirmed  two  parts  of  the  Monroe 
doctrine : 

I.  Not  to  form  any  alliance  with  any 
foreign  nation,  nor  join  with  it  in  any  dec- 
laration concerning  the  interference  of  any 
29 


THE  ORIGIN,  MEANING  AND  APPLIi  ATION  OP 

European  power  in  its  affairs. 

2.  To  act  toward  them  "in  any  crisis"  as  our 
"honor  and  policy  may  at  the  time  dictate." 

Thus  was  our  true  attitude  towards  the 
nations  of  the  New  World  defined  and  the 
Monroe  doctrine  completed. 

Of  the  men  who  took  part  in  that  famous 
debate  two  are  of  especial  interest  to  us,  for 
in  the  course  of  time  each  was  called  on  to 
apply  the  doctrine  he  opposed,  and  each  in 
turn  abandoned  the  position  he  held  in  1826. 
One  is  James  K.  Polk  ;  the  other  is  James 
Buchanan. 

polk  in   1826. 

In  1826  Polk  in  his  speech  said  : 
"  When  the  message  of  the  late  President  of 
the  United  States  was  communicated  to  Con- 
gress in  1823,  it  was  viewed,  as  it  should  have 
been,  as  the  mere  expression  of  opinion  of  the 
Executive,  submitted  to  the  consideration  and 
deliberation  of  Congress  ;  and  designed  proba- 
bly to  produce  an  effect  upon  the  councils  of 
the  Holy  Alliance,  in  relation  to  their  sup- 
posed intention  to  interfere  in  the  war  between 
Spain  and  her  former  colonies.  That  effect  it 
probably  had  an   agency  in  producing  ;   and, 


THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE. 

if  so,  it  has  performed  its  office.  The  Presi- 
dent had  no  power  to  bind  the  Nation  by  such 
a  pledge." 

POLK  IN    1845  AND   1848. 

When  Polk  uttered  these  words  he  was  a 
member  of  Congress  from  Tennessee.  But 
when  our  country  was  next  called  on  to 
apply  the  doctrine  Polk  was  President  of  the 
United  States  and  had  been  elected  by  a  party 
whose  cry  was  "  Give  us  Texas  or  divide  the 
spoons  !"  "  The  whole  of  Oregon  or  none  ; 
fifty-four,  forty,  or  fight !"  and  saw  before 
him  a  war  with  Mexico  and  serious  trouble 
with  England.  In  1826  the  Monroe  doctrine, 
he  thought,  had  been  "  designed  to  produce 
an  effect  on  the  councils  of  the  Holy  Alliance  " 
and,  "  had  performed  its  office."  Now  he 
found  it  had  still  an  office  to  perform,  gave 
his  "cordial  concurrence  in  its  wisdom  and 
sound  policy,"  and  sent  this  message  to  Con- 
gress : 

"  It  is  well  known  to  the  American  people 
and  to  all  nations  that  this  Government  has 
never  interfered  with  the  relations  subsisting 
between  other  Governments.  We  have  never 
made  ourselves  parties  to  their  wars  or  their 
3' 


THE  ORIGIN,  MEANING  AND  APPLli  ATI  ON  OP 

alliances  ;  wc  have  not  sought  their  territories 
by  conquest ;  we  have  not  mingled  with  par- 
ties in  their  domestic  struggles  ;  and,  believing 
our  own  form  of  government  to  be  the  best, 
we  have  never  attempted  to  propagate  it  by 
intrigues,  by  diplomacy,  or  by  force.  We  may 
claim  on  this  continent  a  like  exemption 
from  European  interference.  The  nations  of 
America  are  equally  sovereign  and  independ- 
ent with  those  of  Europe.  They  possess  the 
same  rights,  independent  of  all  foreign  inter- 
position, to  make  war,  to  conclude  peace,  and 
to  regulate  their  internal  affairs.  The  people 
of  the  United  States  cannot,  therefore,  view 
with  indifference  attempts  of  European  powers 
to  interfere  with  the  independent  action  of 
nations  on  this  continent." 

The  cause  of  the  remarks  was  the  dispute 
— in  which  we  were  then  engaged  with  Eng- 
land— regarding  the  ownership  of  the  Oregon 
country.  She  claimed  as  far  south  as  the 
Columbia  River.  We  claimed  as  far  north 
as  54  degrees  40  minutes.  It  was  as  much  a 
territorial  dispute  as  that  now  going  on  with 
Venezuela.  Yet  Polk  did  not  hesitate  to  ap- 
ply the  Monroe  doctrine  and  to  assert  that 
32 


THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE. 

"  in  the  existing  circumstances  of  the  world, 
the  present  is  deemed  a  proper  occasion  to 
reiterate  and  reaffirm  the  principle  avowed  by- 
Mr.  Monroe,  and  to  state  my  cordial  concur- 
rence in  its  wisdom  and  sound  policy.  The 
reassertion  of  this  principle,  especially  in  refer- 
ence to  North  America,  is,  at  this  day,  but 
the  promulgation  of  a  policy  which  no  Euro- 
pean power  should  cherish  the  disposition  to 
resist.  Existing  rights  of  every  European 
nation  should  be  respected,  but  it  is  due  alike 
to  our  safety  and  our  interests  that  the  effi- 
cient protection  of  our  laws  should  be  ex- 
tended over  our  whole  territorial  limits,  and 
that  it  should  be  distinctly  announced  to  the 
world  as  our  settled  policy,  that  no  future 
European  colony  or  dominion  shall,  with  our 
consent,  be  planted  or  established  on  any 
part  of  the  North  American  Continent." 

Again  a  little  while  and  Polk  applied  the 
doctrine  to  the  purely  territorial  case  of  Yuca- 
tan. A  war  had  broken  out  between  the 
Indians  and  the  whites  who,  driven  to  des- 
peration, appealed  for  help  to  England,  Spain, 
and  the  United  States,  offering  in  return  the 
dominion  and  sovereignty  of  the  Peninsula. 
33 


THE  ORIGIN.  MEANING  AND  All'l.K  A  in >.\  Of 

This  was  not  a  case  of  interference  by  any  for- 
eign power.  No  effort  was  being  made  by 
any  Kuropean  nation  to  "extend  its  system." 
Two  such  powers  had  been  invited  by  a  hard- 
pressed  people  struggling  for  life  to  defend 
them  and  take  in  return  their  country.  But 
Polk,  taking  the  broad  ground  that  any  Euro- 
pean people  who  by  any  means  gained  on  our 
continents  one  foot  of  territory  more  than  they 
had  in  1823,  even  with  the  consent  and  at  the 
request  of  the  owners  of  it,  were  "extending 
their  system,"  sent  this  message  to  Congress 
in  1848: 

"  While  it  is  not  my  purpose  to  recommend 
the  adoption  of  any  measure  with  a  view  to 
the  acquisition  of  the  '  dominion  and  sover- 
eignty '  over  Yucatan,  yet,  according  to  our 
established  policy,  we  could  not  consent  to  a 
transfer  of  this  '  dominion  and  sovereignty  '  to 
either  Spain,  Great  Britain,  or  any  other  Ku- 
ropean power.  In  the  language  of  President 
Monroe,  in  his  message  of  December,  1823, 
1  we  should  consider  any  attempt  on  their  part 
to  extend  their  system  to  any  portion  of  this 
hemisphere  as  dangerous  to  our  peace  and 
safety.'  " 

34 


THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE. 

It  would  be  controlling  "the  destiny  "'of 
the  people  concerned. 

BUCHANAN    AND    MEXICO. 

Precisely  the  same  view  was  taken  by  Cass 
when  Secretary  of  State  under  Buchanan,  in 
the  case  of  Mexico.  The  political  condition 
of  Mexico  was  frightful.  Since  the  day 
Spain  acknowledged  her  independence  in 
1 82 1  there  had  never  been  a  moment  of 
quiet.  In  thirty-three  years  thirty-six  Gov- 
ernments had  been  set  up  and  pulled  down, 
and  of  them  all  the  worst  were  those  of 
Miramon  and  Juarez,  by  whom  such  enor- 
mities were  committed  that  England,  France, 
and  Spain  decided  on  armed  intervention  in 
Mexican  affairs.  Against  this,  in  i860,  both 
Cass  and  Buchanan  protested. 

"  While,"  said  the  Secretary,  "we  do  not 
deny  the  right  of  any  other  power  to  carry  on 
hostile  operations  against  Mexico,  for  the  re- 
dress of  its  grievances,  we  firmly  object  to  its 
holding  possession  of  any  part  of  that  coun- 
try, or  endeavoring  by  force  to  control  its 
political  destiny.   *   *   * 

"  I  deemed  it  my  duty,"  said  the  President 
35 


THE  ORIGIN,  MEANING  AND  APPLICA  T10N  >  / 

in   his    message    in    December,    [86o,    "to 

recommciul  to  Congress,  in  my  last  annual 
message,  the  employment  of  a  sufficient  mili- 
tary force  to  penetrate  into  the  interior.  *  *  * 
European  Governments  would  have  been  de- 
prived of  all  pretext  to  interfere  in  the  terri- 
torial and  domestic  concerns  of  Mexico.  We 
should  thus  have  been  relieved  from  the  obli- 
gation of  resisting,  even  by  force  should  this 
become  necessary,  any  attempt  by  these  Gov- 
ernments to  deprive  our  neighboring  republic 
of  portions  of  her  territory — a  duty  from  which 
we  could  not  shrink  without  abandoning  the 
traditional  and  established  policy  of  the 
American  people." 

Three  statements  are  contained  in  this  ex- 
position of  the  doctrine  : 

1.  That  we  have  a  duty  resting  on  us  which 
we  cannot  shirk  without  abandoning  the  tradi- 
tional and  established  policy  of  the  American 
people. 

2.  This  duty  is  to  resist  any  attempt  by  a 
European  Government  to  deprive  our  neigh- 
boring republic  of  portions  of  her  territory. 

3.  That,  if  necessary,  resistance  must  go 
even  to  the  use  of  force. 

36 


THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE. 

This  exposition  by  Buchanan  is  sound  and 
good  and  is  exactly  the  position  taken  by  Mr. 
Cleveland.  Great  Britain  is  to-day  attempt- 
ing to  take  from  Venezuela,  not  30,000  square 
miles,  as  is  commonly  stated,  but  109,000 
square  miles,  to  which  she  has  no  just  claim 
whatever ;  an  area  as  large  as  Nevada  and 
exceeded  by  no  States  in  the  Union  save 
Texas,  California,  and  Montana ;  an  area 
ninety  times  as  large  as  Rhode  Island,  fifty- 
four  times  as  large  as  Delaware,  thirteen  times 
as  large  as  Massachusetts,  and  40,000  square 
miles  larger  than  the  six  New-England  States  ! 
When  a  European  power  rightfully  or  wrong- 
fully attempts  to  acquire  so  immense  an  area 
as  this,  she  does,  in  the  words  of  Monroe, 
"  spread  her  system  ;"  she  does  attempt  to 
"control  the  destiny"  of  Venezuela;  she 
does,  in  the  language  of  Polk,  "  interfere  with 
the  independent  action  of  nations  on  this  con- 
tinent ;"  she  is,  as  Cass  expressed  it,  "  holding 
possession  of  that  country  "  and  endeavoring 
"  to  control  its  political  destiny,"  and  the 
Monroe  doctrine  does  apply.  We  are  bound, 
as  Buchanan  asserted,  to  resist  this  attempt 
"  to  deprive  our  neighboring  republic  of  her 
37 


THE  ORIGIN,  MEANING  AND  APPL1CA  T/O.V  OF 

territory,"  and  we  should  in  duty  to  a   sound 
American  policy  use  force  if  necessary. 

From  1783  until  1.S42  we  had  a  dispute 
with  England  over  the  boundary  of  Maine. 
Had  she  during  that  time  extended  her  claims 
till  they  included  all  of  New  England  and 
seven-eighths  of  New  York,  would  she  not 
have  been  extending  her  system  ?  Of  all  the 
nations  of  the  world  she  is  the  most  progres- 
sive and  the  most  aggressive.  Take  a  map  of 
the  world  and  mark  on  it  her  possessions  in 
1800,  in  1825,  in  1850,  in  1896,  and  see  what 
she  has  been  doing.  Then  take  Mr.  Gig- 
nilliat's  map  of  the  British  claims  in  Vene- 
zuela and  see  that  history  repeated.  For  fifty- 
six  years  she  has  slowly  but  surely  been 
spreading  her  claims  from  the  Essequibo  to 
the  Orinoco  River  till  they  now  touch  its 
mouth.  Are  we  to  consider  this  of  no 
moment  ? 


38 


THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE. 


NOTES. 

MADISON'S    LETTERS   TO     MONROE. 

Montpelier,  October  jo,  1823. 
To  Pre  side  tit  Monroe  : 

Dear  Sir  :  I  have  received  from  Mr.  Jefferson 
your  letter  to  him,  with  the  correspondence  between 
Mr.  Canning  and  Mr.  Rush,  sent  for  his  and  my 
perusal  and  our  opinions  on  the  subject  of  it. 

From  the  disclosures  of  Mr.  Canning  it  appears,  as 
was  otherwise  to  be  inferred,  that  the  success  of 
France  against  Spain  would  be  followed  by  attempts 
of  the  Holy  Alliance  to  reduce  the  revolutionized 
colonies  of  the  latter  to  their  former  dependence. 

The  professions  we  have  made  to  these  neighbors, 
our  sympathies  with  their  liberties  and  independence, 
the  deep  interest  we  have  in  the  most  friendly  rela- 
tions with  them,  and  the  consequences  threatened  by 
a  command  of  their  resources  by  the  great  powers 
confederated  against  the  rights  and  reforms,  of  which 
we  have  given  so  conspicuous  and  persuasive  an 
example,  all  unite  in  calling  for  our  efforts  to  defeat 
the  meditated  crusade.  It  is  particularly  fortunate 
that  the  policy  of  Great  Britain,  though  guided  by 
calculations  different  from  ours,  has  presented  a  co- 
operation for  an  object  the  same  with  ours.  With 
that  co-operation  we  have  nothing  to  fear  from  the  rest 
of  Europe,  and  with  it  the  best  reliance  on  success  to 
our  laudable  views.     There  ought  not  to  be  any  back- 

39 


THE  ORIGIN,  MEANING  AND  APPL/i  A  TION  Of 

wardness,  therefore,  I  think,  in  meeting  her  in  the 
way  she  has  proposed,  keeping  in  view,  of  course,  the 
spirit  and  forms  of  the  Constitution  in  every  step 
taken  in  the  road  to  war,  which  must  he  the  last  step 
if  those  short  of  war  should  be  without  avail. 

It  cannot  be  doubted  that  Mr.  Canning's  proposal, 
though  made  with  the  air  of  consultation,  as  well  as 
concert,  was  founded  on  a  predetermination  to  take 
the  course  marked  out,  whatever  might  be  the  recep- 
tion given  here  to  his  invitation.  But  this  considera- 
tion ought  not  to  divert  us  from  what  is  just  and 
proper  in  itself.  Our  co-operation  is  due  to  ourselves 
and  to  the  world  ;  and  while  it  must  insure  success, 
in  the  event  of  an  appeal  to  force,  it  doubles  the 
chance  of  success  without  that  appeal.  It  is  not  improb- 
able that  Great  Britain  would  like  best  to  have  the  sole 
merit  of  being  the  champion  of  her  new  friends,  not- 
withstanding the  greater  difficulty  to  be  encountered, 
but  for  the  dilemma  in  which  she  would  be  placed. 
She  must  in  that  case  either  leave  us  as  neutrals  to 
extend  our  commerce  and  navigation  at  the  expense 
of  hers,  or  make  us  enemies,  by  renewing  her  paper 
blockades  and  other  arbitrary  proceedings  on  the 
ocean.  It  may  be  hoped  that  such  a  dilemma  will 
not  be  without  a  permanent  tendency  to  check  her 
proneness  to  unnecessary  wars. 

Why  the  British  Cabinet  should  have  scrupled  to 
arrest  the  calamity  it  now  apprehends,  by  applying  to 
the  threats  of  France  against  Spain,  "  the  small 
effort"  which  it  scruples  not  to  employ  in  behalf  of 
Spanish  America  is  best  known  to  itself.  It  is 
40 


THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE. 

difficult  to  find  any  other  explanation  than  that 
interest  in  the  one  case  has  more  weight  in  her 
casuistry  than  principle  had  in  the  other. 

Will  it  not  be  honorable  to  our  country,  and 
possibly  not  altogether  in  vain,  to  invite  the  British 
Government  to  extend  the  avowed  disapprobation  of 
the  project  against  the  Spanish  colonies  to  the  enter- 
prise of  France  against  Spain  herself,  and  even  to 
join  in  some  declaratory  act  in  behalf  of  the  Greeks  ? 
On  the  supposition  that  no  form  could  be  given  to  the 
act  clearing  it  of  a  pledge  to  follow  it  up  by  war,  we 
ought  to  compare  the  good  to  be  done  with  the  little 
injury  to  be  apprehended  to  the  United  States,  shielded 
as  their  interests  would  be  by  the  power  and  the  fleets 
of  Great  Britain,  united  with  their  own.  These  are 
questions,  however,  which  may  require  more  informa- 
tion than  I  possess,  and  more  reflection  than  I  can 
now  give  them. 

What  is  the  extent  of  Mr.  Canning' s  disclaimer  as 
to  "  the  remaining  possessions  of  Spain  in  America  ?" 
Does  it  exclude  future  views  of  acquiring  Porto  Rico, 
etc.,  as  well  as  Cuba  ?  It  leaves  Great  Britain  free,  as 
I  understand  it,  in  relation  to  Spanish  possessions  in 
other  quarters  of  the  globe. 

I  return  the  correspondence  of  Mr.  Rush  and  Mr. 
Canning  with  assurances,  etc. 

J.  Madison  to  Monroe. 

Montpelier,  December  6,  1823. 
Dear  Sir  :     I  received  by  yesterday's   mail   your 
favor  of  the  4th,  covering  a  copy  of  the  message  and 

41 


THE  ORIGIN,  MEANING  AND  APPLIC.  I  TION  <>F 

another  ropy  under  a  blank  rover.  It  presents  a  most 
interesting  view  of  the    topi<  I    for    it.     The 

observations  on  the  foreign  ones  are  well  moulded  for 
the  occasion,  which  is  rendered  the  more  delicate  and 
serious  by  the  equivocal  indications  from  the  I5iiti->h 
Cabinet.  The  reserve  of  Canning  after  his  frank  and 
earnest  conversations  with  Mr.  Rush  is  mysterious 
and  ominous.  Could  he  have  stepped  in  advance  of 
his  superiors  ?  Or  have  they  deserted  their  first  object  ? 
Or  have  the  allies  shrank  from  theirs  ?  Or  is  anything 
taking  place  in  Spain  which  the  adroitness  of  the 
British  Government  can  turn  against  the  allies  and 
in  favor  of  South  America  ?  Whatever  may  be  the 
explanation,  Canning  ought  in  candor,  after  what  had 
passed  with  Mr.  Rush,  not  to  have  withheld  it,  and 
his  doing  so  enjoins  a  circumspect  reliance  on  our 
own  councils  and  energies.  One  thing  is  certain,  that 
the  contents  of  the  message  will  receive  a  very  close 
attention  everywhere,  and  that  it  can  do  nothing  but 
good  everywhere. 

(Indorsed)  Monroe,  Js. 

December  6,  1823. 

OPINIONS  OF  THE  ENGLISH  PRESS  ON  THE 
MONROE  DOCTRINE  IN   1824. 

From  the  London  Courier  of  December  24th. 

The  speech  of  the  President   of  the  United   States 

is,  in  all  its  bearings,  a  document  of  more  than    usual 

importance.     The  latter  part,  which    arrived   so    late 

yesterday  that  we  were   forced  to  omit  it   in    a    small 

42 


THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE. 

part  of  our  impression,  will  be  found  in  our  last  page 
to-day  ;  and,  waiving  every  other  topic  in  the  speech, 
we  direct  our  whole  attention  to  that  part  the  most 
important  of  all  to  every  European  power. 

The  question  of  the  independence  and  recognition 
of  the  South  American  States  may  now  be  considered 
as  at  rest.  Great  Britain  has,  as  we  have  repeatedly 
shown,  acknowledged  their  independence  de  facto; 
and  the  United  States,  their  nearest  neighbors,  have 
not  only  acknowledged  it,  but  have  given  a  bold  and 
manly  notice  to  the  continental  powers  that  they 
shall  treat  "  any  interposition  with  a  view  of  oppress- 
ing or  controlling  them  in  any  manner  as  a  mani- 
festation of  an  unfriendly  disposition  toward  them- 
selves, and  as  dangerous  to  their  peace  and  safety  ;" 
in  other  words,  they  shall  view  it  as  affording  them 
just  ground  for  war. 

After  so  clear  and  explicit  a  warning,  there  is  not 
one  of  the  continental  powers,  we  suppose,  that  will 
risk  a  war  with  the  United  States — a  war  in  which 
not  only  they  could  not  expect  to  have  either  the  aid 
or  good  wishes  of  Great  Britain — but  a  war  in  which 
the  good  wishes  of  Great  Britain  (if  she  did  not 
choose  to  give  more  efficient  succor)  would  be  all  on 
the  side  of  the  United  States.  Thus,  then,  we  repeat 
that  the  question  may  be  considered  to  be  set  at  rest  ; 
we  shall  hear  no  more  of  a  congress  to  settle  the  fate 
of  the  South  American  States.  Protected  by  the  two 
nations  that  possess  the  institutions  and  speak  the 
language  of  freedom — by  Great  Britain  on  one  side, 
and  the  United  States  on  the  other — their  independ- 

43 


THE  <  ORIGIN,  Ml:.  \NING  AND  APPLICATION  OP 

ence  is  placed  beyond  the  reach  of  danger  ;  and  the 
continental  powers,  unable  to  harm  them,  will  do 
well  to  establish  that  friendly  and  commercial  inter- 
course with  them  which  they  could  never  have  done 
had  they  remained  under  the  yoke  of  Old  Spain. 

From  the  London   Morning  Chronicle. 

The  American  papers,  received  yesterday,  contain 
the  accounts  of  the  opening  of  Congress,  and  the 
message  of  the  President  of  the  United  States.  The 
communication  of  the  chief  office-bearer  of  the  great 
Republic  to  the  Legislature  at  this  critical  period, 
when  the  ambition  of  kings,  not  satisfied  with  the 
calamity  which  it  has  occasioned  in  Europe,  threatens 
to  rekindle  the  flames  of  war  throughout  the  Western 
Hemisphere — was  looked  forward  to  with  the  utmost 
anxiety.  It  is  worthy  of  the  occasion  and  of  the  peo- 
ple destined  to  occupy  so  large  a  space  in  the  future 
history  of  the  world. 

What  a  contrast  between  the  manly  plainness  of 
this  State  paper  and  the  Machiavelism  and  hypocrisy 
of  the  declaration  of  the  manifestoes  of  the  Govern- 
ments of  this  part  of  the  world  ! 

Whatever  lately  were  the  intentions  of  the  French 
Ministers  respecting  South  America,  it  is  now  asserted, 
from  undoubted  authority,  that  English  policy  has 
prevailed  in  Paris  over  that  of  Russia,  and  that  not 
only  will  Fiance  not  assist  Spain  in  any  attempt  to  sub- 
jugate her  former  American  colonies,  but  will  view, 
not  with  indifference,  any  support  which  Russia  or 
any  other  nation  may  lend  her  for  this  purpose.    This 

44 


THE  MONROE  DOCTRIXE. 

is  certainly  a  wise  resolution  on  the  part  of  the  Freirch 
Government,  for  this  independence  of  the  new  Ameri- 
can States  must  extend  their  commerce,  and  thereby 
increase  the  prosperity  of  Frenchmen.  Russia, 
blocked  up  nearly  half  the  year  by  impenetrable  ice, 
can  never  partake  of  Southern  commerce  until  a  port 
be  opened  for  her  in  the  Dardanelles,  and  hence  the 
anxiety  exhibited  by  her  to  involve  France  in 
the  expensive  and  hopeless  employment  of  restor- 
ing America  to  the  yoke  of  the  Bourbons  ;  for,  with- 
out this  or  some  other  occupation  for  the  French 
armies  and  the  British  navy,  she  has  not  the  most 
distant  chance  of  accomplishing  the  long  and  ardently 
cherished  designs  of  her  empire  against  ancient 
Greece,  now  in  possession.  This  union  of  France 
and  England  in  the  great  cause  of  American  inde- 
pendence is  another  strong  ground  for  expecting  the 
continuation  of  the  blessings  of  peace,  and,  conse- 
quently, an  improvement  in  the  public  credit  of 
nations.  The  speech  of  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  so  full  of  wisdom  and  just  ideas,  has,  however, 
had  more  effect  on  the  opinions  of  the  leaders  in  the 
national  securities  than  the  abundance  of  money  or 
the  changed  policy  of  France,  for  in  it  they  see  a 
sufficient  guarantee  for  the  maintenance  of  the  free- 
dom of  the  American  Continent.  There  is  no  part, 
however,  of  this  speech  which  can  afford  more  gen- 
uine satisfaction  to  every  civilized  nation  than  the 
notice  which  it  takes  of  the  extraordinary  and  gallant 
struggle  made,  at  present,  by  the  Greeks,  in  the  cause 
of  general  independence. 

45 


THE  ORIGIN,  MEANING  AND  APPLICATION  OP 

Front  the  Liverpool  Advertiser  of  January  3d. 

By  one  short  passage  in  it,  is  set  at  rest,  we  dare 
presume,  whatever  may  have  been  in  agitation  by  the 
continental  allies,  in  reference  to  the  late  Spanish 
possessions  in  America.  There  will  be  no  attempt 
made,  it  may  be  confidently  affirmed,  to  interfere 
with  the  present  condition  of  those  countries,  when  it 
is  known  that  such  interference  would  be  viewed  by 
the  United  States  as  a  just  cause  of  war,  on  her  part, 
with  any  power  attempting  such  interference. 

In  regard  of  the  power,  prosperity,  and  resources 
of  the  nation  herself,  also,  the  language  of  the  speech 
is  very  interesting  ;  her  revenue,  it  is  affirmed,  will, 
on  the  first  of  this  year,  exceed  her  expenditure  by 
no  less  than  nine  million  dollars.  Her  population  is 
estimated  at  ten  millions,  and  every  branch  of  indus- 
try, every  source  of  revenue,  wealth,  and  power  is 
flourishing. 

On  its  subjects  of  common  interest  to  all  nations, 
the  Government  of  the  United  States  is  enabled  to 
stand  forward  to  suggest  and  promote  what  is  bene- 
ficial, and  to  crush  what  is  injurious.  In  the  speech 
is  developed  a  new  idea  in  respect  to  maritime  war, 
which,  if  adopted,  on  this  suggestion,  by  other  pow- 
ers, will  greatly  tend  to  lessen  the  evils  of  national 
contention.  It  is  proposed  to  do  away  altogether 
with  the  system  of  privateering  in  so  far  as  it  is  coun- 
tenanced by  Governments. 

It  is  also  suggested,  as  a  means  of  effectually  sup- 
pressing the  slave-trade,  that  vessels  found  by  the 
ships  of  any  nation  to  be  engaged  in  this  traffic  shall 
46 


THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE. 

be  treated  on  the  same  footing  with  vessels  caught  in 
piracy. 

While  in  her  power  and  resources,  as  they  are 
illustrated  in  this  speech,  the  nation  of  the  United 
States  exhibits  the  vigor  of  ripe  years,  she,  in  those 
sentiments  of  active  humanity,  seems,  to  our  thought, 
to  preserve  the  fresh  feeling  of  youth,  and  not  to  be 
wholly  engrossed,  as  older  States  are,  in  the  pursuit 
or  support  of  purely  selfish  interests.  And  we  have 
thus  a  pleasure  from  contemplating  her  less  as  that 
metaphysical  insentient  thing,  a  State,  than  as  an 
actual  human  and  feeling  being. 

From  Be  IV '  s   Weekly  Messenger  of  December  2jth. 

The  main  object  of  any  interest  during  the  week 
now  passed  is  the  arrival  of  the  speech  of  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States.  It  is  a  document  of  the 
first  interest  and  importance.  It  is  interesting,  be- 
cause it  is  a  brief,  simple,  and  direct  expose  of  repub- 
lican government ;  always  true,  plain  dealing,  and 
sincere.  It  is  important,  because,  fearing  nothing, 
it  conceals  nothing,  and  is  totally  divested  of  all 
trick,  artifice,  commonplace  jargon  which  renders 
the  diplomacy  of  Europe  so  much  more  than  merely 
nugatory. 

Long,  very  long,  have  we  wished  that  Canada 
might  be  sold  or  exchanged  with  the  United  States. 
Exchanged  for  what  it  may  be  demanded  ?  Why,  for 
such  an  annuity  for  a  term  of  years  as  would  redeem 
what  remains  of  the  English  assessed  taxes,  and 
redeem  them  forever. 

47 


THE  ORIGIN,  MEANING  AND  APPUCA  TION  OP 

If  America  would  give  us  enough  for  this  purpose 
for  five  or  seven  years,  the  natural  progress  of  our 
revenue  would  do  what  would  he  required  after  that 
time.  Add  to  this  that  we  should  save  upward  of  half 
a  million  yearly  in  the  expense  of  the  Canada  Gov- 
ernment, and  nearly  as  much  more  in  the  reduction 
of  the  army  which  it  would  allow.  This  has  long 
been  our  own  view,  and  we  are  persuaded  that  half, 
at  least,  of  our  best  statesmen  unite  with  us  in  it.  As 
to  the  right  of  doing  so,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that 
the  Canadians  would  agree,  and  for  that  reason — 
because  it  is  their  decided  interest  to  do  so,  and 
because  (if  we  were  Canadians)  we  should  not  hesitate 
one  moment. 

The  third  point  in  the  speech  is  where  the  President 
asserts  that  "  he  owes  it  to  candor,  etc.,  to  declare  that 
the  United  States  would  consider  any  attempt  on  the 
part  of  European  monarchies  to  extend  their  system 
to  any  portion  of  the  Western  Hemisphere  as  danger- 
ous to  their  peace  and  safety,"  that  "  with  the  exist- 
ing colonies  or  dependencies  of  any  European  power 
they  have  not  interfered  and  will  not ;  but  that  any 
interposition  for  the  purpose  of  oppressing  or  controll- 
ing any  of  the  States  whose  independence  the  Repub- 
lic has,  after  mature  consideration,  acknowledged,  she 
would  consider  in  no  other  light  than  as  the  manifes- 
tation of  an  unfriendly  disposition  toward  herself;" 
in  other  words,  as  a  just  cause  of  war. 

We  have  long,  very  long,  anticipated  that  the 
United  States  would  thus  speak,  and  it  puts  an  end  at 
once  to  all  apprehensions  as  to  any  attempt  by  the 
48 


THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE. 

allied  despots  upon  South  America  ;  for  how  can  these 
despots  assemble  any  navy,  which  for  an  instant  can 
meet  the  American  navy,  or  the  South  American 
navy,  when  manned  and  commanded  by  American 
seamen  and  American  naval  officers  ? 

From  the  Paris  Etoile — A  Ministerial  Paper. 

Mr.  Monroe,  who  is  not  a  sovereign,  who  has  him- 
self told  us  that  he  is  only  the  first  delegate  of  the 
people,  has  taken  in  his  message  the  tone  of  a  power- 
ful monarch  whose  armies  and  fleets  are  ready  to  go 
forth  on  the  first  signal.  He  does  more  ;  he  prescribes 
to  the  potentates  of  Europe  the  conduct  they  are  to 
pursue  in  certain  circumstances  if  they  do  not  wish  to 
incur  his  displeasure.  Such  is  the  prohibition  which 
he  issues  against  their  ever  thinking  of  any  new  colo- 
nization in  the  two  Americas. 

Mr.  Monroe  is  the  temporary  President  of  a  Repub- 
lic situated  on  the  Eastern  Continent  of  North  America. 
This  Republic  is  bounded  on  the  south  by  the  posses- 
sions of  the  King  of  Spain,  and  on  the  north  by  those 
of  the  Queen  of  England.  Its  independence  has 
only  been  acknowledged  for  forty  years  ;  by  what 
title,  then,  are  the  two  Americas  to  be  under  his  im- 
mediate dependence,  from  Hudson's  Bay  to  Cape 
Horn  ?  What  clamors  did  he  not  raise  in  the  United 
States  when  the  Emperor  of  Russia  wished  to  trace 
the  demarcation  of  the  part  of  territory  which  he 
claims  on  the  northeast  coast  as  discovered  by  his 
subjects  !  This  monarch,  however,  did  not  presume 
to  dictate  laws   to  any  of  the  States   who  have  estab- 

49 


THE  ORIGIN,  MEANING  AND  APPLICATION  OF 

lishments  on  the  same  coast.  It  was  reserved  for  Mr. 
Monroe  to  show  us  a  dictator  armed  with  a  right  of 
superiority  over  the  whole  of  the  New  World. 

According  to  the  political  system  he  would  establish 
it  would  not  be  permitted  to  Spain  to  make  the  least 
effort  to  re-enter  on  the  territory  which  for  three 
centuries  she  has  possessed.  The  King  of  Portugal, 
as  the  American  papers  have  observed  themselves, 
could  not  act  as  a  sovereign  and  father  without  expos- 
ing himself  to  the  wrath  of  Mr.  Monroe.  England 
would  require  his  previous  consent  if  it  suited  her 
interest  to  make  any  new  military  or  political  estab- 
lishment either  in  Canada  or  Nova  Scotia.  And  yet 
Mr.  Monroe's  message  contains  phrases  indirectly 
hostile  to  the  policy  and  ambition  of  the  great  powers 
of  Europe  !  But  what  is  that  power  which  professes  so 
proudly  maxims  opposed  to  the  rights  of  sovereignty 
and  the  independence  of  crowns  ?  Who  is  that  power 
which  pretends  to  prescribe  to  subjects  the  limits  of 
obedience  ;  who  is  she,  in  short,  who  does  not  fear  to 
compromise  the  existence  of  social  order  by  declaring 
in  the  face  of  heaven  that  she  will  not  recognize  any 
difference  between  a  government  de  facto  and  gov- 
ernment de  jure? 

By  bringing  under  one  point  of  view  all  the  asser- 
tions and  doctrines  contained  in  this  message,  it  is 
satisfactory  to  consider  that  it  has  not  yet  received  the 
sanction  of  any  of  the  authorities,  even  of  the  country 
where  it  appeared  ;  and,  in  short,  that  the  opinions 
of  Mr.  Monroe  are  as  yet  merely  the  opinions  of  a 
private  individual. 

So 


THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE. 

The  London  Times  of  January  sixteenth  has  some 
very  severe  and  spirited  remarks  on  the  extract  above 
given  from  the  Etoile.  The  following  paragraph  may 
serve  as  a  specimen  : 

"  A  direct  attempt  is  made  by  the  Etoile  to  sever  the 
Chief  Magistrate  of  a  powerful  and  enlightened  nation 
from  the  body  of  a  State  which  he  represents.  '  Not  a 
sovereign  !'  No,  but  he  is  the  acknowledged — the 
elected  head  and  organ  of  a  great  sovereign  people — 
one  whose  elevation  cost  his  country  neither  a  drop  of 
blood  nor  a  widow's  tear,  nor  the  beggary  or  banish- 
ment, the  persecution  or  corruption  of  a  single  human 
being  among  ten  millions  of  men.  An  eminence  thus 
achieved  may  well  appear,  at  first  sight,  of  questiona- 
ble origin  to  an  ultra  ;  but  let  him  consider  his  words. 
He  calls  Mr.  Monroe  a  'temporary  president,'  but  is 
the  power  which  he  exercises  a  temporary  power  ?  It 
is,  on  the  contrary,  a  prerogative  which  never  dies, 
let  who  will  be  its  trustee  for  the  moment,  and  which, 
as  Mr.  Monroe  has  on  this  occasion  employed  it,  has 
its  sanction  in  the  heart  of  every  citizen  among  those 
millions  who  confided  it  to  his  hands.  Will  the  Etoile 
venture  to  match  the  durability  of  any  despotic  throne 
in  Europe  with  that  of  the  President's  chair  in  North 
America  ?  If  so,  we  tell  him  that  he  is  likely  to  lose 
his  wager.  Or  will  his  patron  risk  the  fate  of  an  expe- 
dition on  the  chance  of  the  policy  announced  by  this 
'private  individual,'  Mr.  Monroe  being  disclaimed  by 
'  the  other  authorities  '  of  the  republics  ?  We  believe 
they  are  not  so  rash.  The  entire  commentary  of  the 
unfortunate     toile  is  an  insult  on  the  first  article  of  his 

5i 


THE  ORIGIN,  MEANING  AND  APPLICATION  OP 

own  creed — viz.,  that  a  Government  and  the  nation 
for  which  it  speaks  must  be  identified." 

*"  1870,  July  14.     Report  of  Secretary  Fish  to 
President  Grant. 

"  The  United  States  stands  solemnly  committed  by 
repeated  declarations  and  repeated  acts  to  this  doc- 
trine, and  its  application  to  the  affairs  of  this  continent. 
In  his  message  to  the  two  Houses  of  Congress  at  the 
commencement  of  the  present  session,  the  President, 
following  the  teachings  of  all  our  history,  said  that  the 
existing  '  dependencies  are  no  longer  regarded  as 
subject  to  transfer  from  one  European  power  to 
another.  When  the  present  relation  of  colonies 
ceases,  they  are  to  become  independent  powers,  exer- 
cising the  right  of  choice  and  of  self-control  in  the 
determination  of  their  future  condition  and  relations 
with  other  powers.' 

"  This  policy  is  not  a  policy  of  aggression  ;  but  it 
opposes  the  creation  of  European  dominion  on  Ameri- 
can soil,  or  its  transfer  to  other  European  powers,  and 
it  looks  hopeful  to  the  time  when,  by  the  voluntary 
departure  of  European  governments  from  this  conti- 
nent and  the  adjacent  islands,  America  shall  be 
wholly  American. 

"  It  does  not  contemplate  forcible  intervention  in 
any  legitimate  contest ;  but  it  protests  against  per- 
mitting such  a  contest  to  result  in  the  increase  of 
European  power  or  influence  ;  and  it  ever  impels  this 
Government,  as  in  the  late  contest  between  the  South 
52 


THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE. 

American  republics  and  Spain,  to  interpose  its  good 
offices  to  secure  an  honorable  peace.   .  .  . 

"  It  will  not  be  presumptuous  after  the  foregoing 
sketch  to  say,  with  entire  consideration  for  the  sover- 
eignty and  national  pride  of  the  Spanish  American 
republics,  that  the  United  States,  by  the  priority  of 
their  independence,  by  the  stability  of  their  institu- 
tions, by  the  regard  of  their  people  for  the  forms  of  law, 
by  their  resources  as  a  government,  by  their  naval 
power,  by  their  commercial  enterprise,  by  the  attrac- 
tions which  they  offer  to  European  immigration,  by  the 
prodigious  internal  development  of  their  resources  and 
wealth,  and  by  the  intellectual  life  of  their  population, 
occupy  of  necessity  a  prominent  position  on  this  conti- 
nent which  they  neither  can  nor  should  abdicate,  which 
entitles  them  to  a  leading  voice,  and  which  imposes 
upon  them  duties  of  right  and  of  honor  regarding 
American  questions,  whether  those  questions  affect 
emancipated  colonies  or  colonies  still  subject  to  Euro- 
pean dominion." — Senate  Executive  Documents,  41 
Cong.,  2 Session,  III,  No.  112,  pp.  7,  9. 


55 


CD 
CM 

GO 
CNJ 
CD 
CD 


UNIV.  OF  CALIF.  LIBRARY,  LOS  ANGELES 


M%       ^ID5ANGFI£;.> 


hv.cto^ 


T/Vcumiin.iuV^ 


^OFCAUFOft^      ^OP  CA1IF0% 


RARY0/        <$-UBRARY0/r 


JVDJO^      %MmOJO^ 


^OF(*LIFO^ 


WFQ% 


^tfHJNIVfl% 


^IttAHGFl^ 


%™-sm^ 


1^^ 


J 


^IDSAHCIUf^ 


^TOW-SOl*5 


%WAwn^N 


WVB% 

c2 


vvlOSANCFl^> 


MIVER% 

o 


KVSO^ 


■%«UAJNfl-]ftv 
^IDS-ANGflij^ 


^/auAwo-w^ 


<$HIBRARY0/ 
£  1   tr^ 


^■UBRARY^ 


^•OFCAUFO^      ^.OFCAUFOff^ 


^AMvaaji^ 


RARYfl?.       ^t-UBRARYOr. 


^WMINIVERJ/^       ^lOSANCU^ 


% 


<rmoNvsoi^     "fyHUAwn-jv^ 


ill  PHD/ 


.  rvF-rAIIFADi, 


«UMIHIVFRC/>. 


•IfK-AMTilfr. 


UNIVERSITY  OF  Cfi  -  LOS  ANGELES 


c?  — 


008   672   064   6 


K 


^OF-CALIFO^ 


3n#      ^AHvaain^ 


fie  smuuuj^    IV    i  F-        ^  v 
UC  SOUTHERN  REG«LM^Affl 


jvwijtltvAA 


AA     001331604 

1/i  §*F^ 


ffl%        vvlOSANCEUr. 


rtRtyv 


"^HAWA-I*?* 


^lOSANGEUtt* 


tywmw 


<$HJBRARY0/. 


^UiBRARYQ? 


^Aavaaiv#     ^ajSvmih^ 


<«HINIVHS&       ^clOSANCEl% 


=o      5 


QiO^      %0JI1V3J^  ^ONVSOV^       "^/HQAIMJV^ 


rtP  ri  urAn. 


.nit  iiiiMtnff. 


.  inc.uirnr* 


